What it takes to be Perak MB - A Kadir Jasin

FEB 18 - I think we can afford to let the sensational news of PKR Elizabeth Wong’s nude photos marinate a while longer before we joint (sic) the cookfest. In the meantime feel free to let your imagination be as creative as you like.

For now, I would like to post the 2nd part of my kopitiam conversations with several veteran politicians – ex-Members of Parliament and State Assemblymen -- and lawyers, who are familiar with the Constitution and past political crises.

In this post, we’ll talk about the Menteri Besar, Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir, and the things he should and should not have done as he hangs on to power and tries to defend the legitimacy of his government.

Zambry is an intellectual with a PhD after his name. When Anwar was in Umno, Zambry was a very strong supporter of Anwar Ibrahim, like Ahmad Zahid Hamidi. But both stayed on when Anwar was sacked.

He has the great opportunity to introduce changes to new government and lead these changes in BN.

He could inspire the voters in Perak with an inspiring policy statement as to how he proposes to take Perak forward and what changes he has in mind.

So far, however, he has employed the same old tired style, which people have rejected.

Saying, “I am the MB for all” sounds like Abdullah Ahmad Badawi saying “I am the PM for all Malaysians.” Of course you are the MB for all.

Reducing the number of Exco members to six was good but when media asked for the reason, the reply was very disappointing. He said he could have between four and 10, and chose six.

If he had said, bearing in mind we are facing a very serious economic recession: “I decided to reduce the size of government to save money. I think seven of us can manage” would have been brilliant. Period.

We just have to be efficient. This will show to the public the beginning of change.

Then next day he appointed four advisors and gave the posts to MIC, Gerakan and UMNO, and said these advisors are as important as Exco members. So he is creating posts for BN component parties. Therefore, nothing has changed.

The Perak voters unequivocally rejected both the MIC and Gerakan in the 2008 general election. Why then brought them in by the backdoor? The MIC and Gerakan should have been principled enough to reject the appointment.

They should have the honour to tell their respective communities that “you rejected us in the election, so you do not have the right to have representation in government. If you want us to represent you, you must vote us in.”

Instead MIC got the cheek to be demanding and asked for the Speaker’s post.

Even if he wants to win back lost seats and must show that he is the MB for all, he surely can choose other more outstanding Chinese and Indian representatives.

Surely there are enough outstanding, honest and intelligent Indians and Chinese outside MIC and Gerakan in Perak who would be willing to make sacrifices and perform public service.

Approach them, offer them these advisory posts but salaries and allowances must be less than that of Exco members. Then people will see that the new MB really means what he says, i.e. being the MB for all.

Then why did he leave out the Orang Asli who are numerous in Perak and representatives of the NGOs? The MB must reach out to everybody.

He must come out with a policy statement to say he is against corruption, cronyism and only those who are clean and with integrity will be called upon to serve the state.

He wants his Exco to declare their assets. But he must make the rakyat believe that the declaration of assets is serious and transparent.

He should be visiting all districts and as many villages as he can to listen to the problems faced by the rakyat. If he can’t solve them within two weeks, he must give them reasons. He should promise efficient and prompt service.

He must insist that District Officers live in their respective districts and not in Ipoh. He said he wants to see projects implemented on time with no cost over-run.

His office is open to all – to those who voted for BN and those who voted against. He should try to solve all the rakyat’s problems. He must promise actions. Promises alone are not enough. He wants to be judged by results.

If he does all these, the voters will know that this BN MB means business when he says he wants to bring changes to the state.

Only change can help ensure BN’s survival. Failing which the voters will send BN back to the Opposition’s bench in the coming general. – akadirjasin.com

A cyber war in Malaysian politics?

FEB 19 — Once upon a time, before the Internet became as common as the television in Malaysian homes, public figures made local speeches that were tailored to suit the audience that was physically present.

This worked well for politicians wishing to entertain the parochial tendencies of the audience of the day without jeopardising their prospects of becoming nationally relevant.

Today, however, such speeches quickly leak into the wired world of the Internet, putting things into a different context, and revealing the speakers' supposed real values to the world.

Playing local politics with the awareness that the audience is always the whole wide world is no easy task, especially for those who have been in politics and in power long before the Internet changed everything.

The dominant Umno learned this the hard way three years ago when it decided to telecast "live" its national assembly. The parochialism and racism expressed by its candidates on that occasion for the nation to hear soon forced it to backtrack.

Defensive arrogance does grow out of the inability to evolve.

The attempt to block access to Raja Petra Kamarudin's controversial Malaysia Today website last year managed to stop traffic going to that site, but did not stop access to its contents. Mirror sites sprung up immediately to nullify the censorship.

The police decision in September 2008 to use the Internal Security Act to jail Raja Petra, along with prominent opposition politician Teresa Kok and journalist Tan Hoon Cheng, merely backfired. The de facto minister of law, Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, soon resigned in protest.

Publicly calling female bloggers liars, as then Tourism Minister Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor did in March 2007, is also not a very smart thing to do. The negative reaction on the web on that occasion was tremendous.

Opinions expressed for local consumption becoming national news is part and parcel of a revolution in information technology which carries enormous consequences for the near future. Some are positive, and some will certainly not be.

Through the Net, you can sell old useless books you have under the stairs on the world market; you can get to know strangers on the other half of the world merely by being on chat sites; and you can arrange an entire holiday to the south of France without talking to any salesperson at all.

In Malaysian politics, we have witnessed how SMSes, videos and phone cameras have come into play. While these can uncover abuse of power, as in the case of the woman forced to do ear-squats naked while detained by the police in December 2005; reveal dubious practices, as in the case of the Lingam Tapes released in 2007 showing a prominent lawyer boasting about his ability to fix top judge appointments through political connections; and contribute to court cases, as in SMSes supposedly sent by Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to a lawyer, discussing the detention of a close associate then charged with involvement in the murder of a Mongolian woman.

The latest political incident involving IT innovations concerns the circulation of nude pictures of prominent opposition politician Elizabeth Wong, secretly taken on a phone camera.

The case of Wong (also a blogger), who has offered to resign from her position as state assemblywoman for the opposition-held Selangor, adds worrying dimensions to the political use of modern IT.

First, it is not only the line between the local and the national that is being erased. The line between the private and the public is fading fast as well.

That is worrying indeed. Most urbanites in Malaysia of all races, especially in the Klang Valley where Wong lives, would undoubtedly consider Wong the victim. Mass media attempts to class the case as a "sex scandal" — and this happened on both sides of the Causeway — smack of shameless sensationalism, journalistic amateurism and political opportunism.

In the sanctity of her home, surely she is allowed to walk scantily dressed, sleep half-naked, even shower nude, and yes, have sex without clothes on. The culprits deserving punishment are those who facilitated the publicising of those pictures, regardless of whether they were taken with her permission or not.

The fact that she is an unmarried woman, and not a man, has had a serious impact on how the incident is being interpreted. Should a male politician, married or not, such as former Selangor Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Khir Toyo, for example, have been photographed in the nude while asleep, the fallout would have been minimal, even comical.

The Wong case also shows the disturbing shrinkage of moral space when the private and the local are technologically subsumed under the public and the national.

Moral values do differ geographically, individually, culturally and according to lifestyle. This diversity is denied when such a case gets politicised, and here, the supposed sensitivities of the vocally most religious, most parochial, most traditional and most rural are allowed to define the national public norm. Wong is being sacrificed to appease illiberal elements within the opposition. Surely, this is not what the Pakatan Rakyat is fighting for.

A political cyber war has started in Malaysia. While we thought that the old would be at the mercy of the new in such a showdown, it is time to realise that, in truth, the more desperate and more immoral has the edge.

The writer is a Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. His latest book is "March 8: Eclipsing May 13" (with Johan Saravanamuttu and Lee Hock Guan, ISEAS).

As Hindraf spat worsens, a new Anwar ally emerges

Anwar’s trusted man Ravi to investigate Indian dissatisfaction in PKR. — Pic by Baradan Kuppusamy

By Baradan Kuppusamy

KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 1 — When the bushfire of Indian dissatisfaction in the PKR threatened to turn into an inferno, party supremo Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, holidaying in the Middle East, called from Dubai and urged a man he trusted to investigate what was really going on, how big it was and why it was happening.

Shadowy businessman Datuk Ravi Dharan, chairman of the Daya group of companies, has always been in the shadows of the PKR, serving only Anwar before and after the March 8 polls and during the run-up to the abortive Sept 16 plan to topple the Barisan Nasional government via defections.

He was close to Anwar when the latter was the finance minister and like other tycoons in Anwar's circle, he suffered after Anwar was sacked and jailed in 1998.

Ravi, 59, went abroad and soon settled down in Indonesia where he has interests in several areas, including coal mining in Kalimantan.

However, unlike Anwar's other former friend Datuk K.S. Nallakaruppan, Ravi remained loyal to the former and was a big supporter — personally and financially — of the opposition leader during the March 8 general election campaign.

Anwar has now become worried that Indian dissatisfaction with his party, centred on the resignation of Kapar MP S. Manikavasagam as the party's Selangor deputy chief, will flare up, and he has sought out Ravi to quell the rebellion.

This will be the political coming out for Ravi who had always remained in the shadows.

It is significant that Anwar did not task any of the more senior party leaders such as deputy president Dr Syed Husin Ali, vice-president S. Sivarasa, seen as the nominal Indian head of the party, Selangor Menteri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, Selangor exco member Dr Xavier Jeyakumar or even PKR Padang Serai MP M. Gobalakrishnan.

"It was to Ravi that Anwar turned to," said a PKR insider, adding that Anwar was worried that a "hidden hand" was manipulating the "rebellion" and splitting the party especially in light of speculation reported in online news website Malaysiakini that PKR rebels together with Hindraf leader P. Uthayakumar and chairman P. Waythamoorthy were in alliance with MIC rebels to oust embattled MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu.

Manikavasagam's relationship with Sivarasa and Dr Xavier and possibly Khalid, whom he has accused of betraying the people's trust by not fulfilling election promises, is now beyond repair, PKR insiders said.

Under these circumstances Anwar relied on Ravi as a trusted ally, in the same role once played by Nallakaruppan before their dramatic falling out, to help contain or extinguish the Manikavasagam fire.

Ravi attended a meeting of over 100 Indian supporters of Hindraf/Makkal Sakthi yesterday that discussed the problems raised by Manikavasagam and former PKR deputy secretary-general P. Jenapala.

Both Manikavasagam and Jenapala also attended the closed-door meeting.

"Ravi listened carefully, watched their body language and never uttered a single word," said a PKR supporter who attended the meeting.

Later at the press conference Ravi moved in to take charge, admitting there were differences over issues among the PKR leaders. "This is a democratic process, we meet, we discuss, tell our differences and we seek consensus," Ravi told The Malaysian Insider after the meeting.

"We all have one aim — to make Anwar prime minister — and until then we should remain committed and united," said Ravi.

He was worried PKR's political enemies would exploit the differences.

"We should not give them that opportunity," he told the people gathered. "I don't think there is a hidden hand behind the open airing of differences in PKR."

The meeting resolved that Manikavasagam and others would meet Anwar on his return and lay their unhappiness at his feet for a resolution of the differences.

Nevertheless the discontent is too fundamental to be resolved without upsetting the PKR's delicate racial balance.

The animosity between Manikavasagam and the rest of the PKR Indian leadership cannot be ignored.

The others — Sivarasa, Dr Xavier, Khalid and others — control Selangor PKR and are big names in the PKR setup although at the Makkal Sakthi grassroots level they are lightweights compared with Manikavasagam.

While Manikavasagam sees himself as a Makkal Sakthi founder, he accepts Uthayakumar and Waythamoorthy as his real mentors, and he also has the highest regards for Anwar.

It is left to Anwar to see how best to balance the demands of the big names in the PKR who are all for sacking Manikavasagam and satisfying the Makkal Sakthi grassroots who have adopted PKR as their new political home but want a bigger slice of the largesse.

What Ravi recommends to Anwar will play a crucial role in the balancing act.

Tuanku Muhriz a low-profile royal

SEREMBAN, Dec 30 — Low profile, largely unknown outside the royal circles in Negri Sembilan but Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir was hardly the underdog in the intense battle that was played out for the position of Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negri Sembilan.

Firmly in his corner during the closed discussions to elect the successor to Tuanku Jaafar were at least two of the four Undangs — the territorial chiefs from Sungai Ujong, Johol, Jelebu and Tampin. They came into the meeting with only one name in mind and refused to budge when it was suggested that they consider Tunku Naquiyuddin Tuanku Jaafar as the next head of the royal household. The decision was deadlocked from Sunday night and a resolution was found only yesterday afternoon.

Sources told The Malaysian Insider that Tuanku Muhriz has built strong ties with the undangs since moving back to the state a few years ago. He also had powerful backers within the political establishment in the state, with former Negri Menteri Besar Tan Sri Isa Samad among his supporters.

There has been a quiet campaign by his backers at state and federal level to portray him forward as a well-educated man; someone who put aside the disappointment of not being appointed Ruler of the state in 1967 when his father died and led a dignified and respectable life.

Tuanku Muhriz was passed over when Tuanku Munawir Tuanku Abdul Rahman died as he was deemed to be too young. His supporters said that in contrast to members of Tuanku Jaafar's family, Tuanku Muhriz shuns publicity like the plague and seems more rooted in traditional ways.

Born on Jan 14, 1948, Tuanku Muhriz received his early education at Sekolah Menengah King George V in Seremban and continued at the Aldenhem School in Britain.

Tuanku Muhriz obtained his LLB from the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, Britain. He is married to Tengku Datuk Aishah Rohani Tengku Besar Mahmud of Terengganu and they have three children, Tunku Ali Redhauddin Muhriz, 31, Tunku Zain Al-'Abidin Muhriz, 26, and Tunku Alif Hussein Saifuddin Al-Amin, 23.

Tuanku Jaafar's family are said to be devastated with the decision of the Undangs to select Tuanku Muhriz over Tunku Naquiyuddin. They too had several powerful politicians in their corner but the territorial chiefs were not willing to be swayed.

A year shaped by politics

By Shannon Teoh

DEC 30 — It does not take a genius to guess that for most Malaysians, 2008 was all about the 12th general election.

It marked such a huge political change that it became politically correct again to use the word "tsunami" after grieving for the millions of victims in 2004.

But with the new year looming, and both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat settling into their new roles, will 2009 simply see a consolidation of these lines or yet more changes afoot?

It will depend, of course, on how events pan out, and how Malaysians themselves act and react.

While most will have clear memories of March 8, just as many will probably have forgotten what it was like in the two months of the year prior to the polls. How long ago it seems now, when there was no such thing as Pakatan Rakyat.

There was only Barisan Nasional. Powerful, unchallenged, its domination was absolute for the past four years after claiming over 90 per cent of the seats in Parliament in the previous general election.

The opposition parties were scattered, each pursuing their own agenda. But when an energy and economic crisis loomed, everyone could smell a change in the air. Malaysians were ready to make their mark.

Talk of the opposition doubling its meagre 21-seat haul from the 11th GE slowly grew to tripling it as time went by.

Realising that the bread-and-butter issues of income and cost of living would only get worse, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi called a snap election, realising that an imminent price hike in fuel prices would only damage BN more.

Few can honestly say they predicted such a blow for BN, ceding 82 parliamentary seats, the heaviest defeat for the ruling coalition in the nation's electoral history.

Even members of the opposition were caught unprepared. Who was going to be the menteris besar and chief minister? As it turned out, the fledgling opposition coalition, soon to be announced as Pakatan Rakyat, was nearly undone before it could take off, by the squabbles over control of state governments.

Yet the irony is that despite the defeat, Abdullah was probably right. He may indeed have overseen a worse performance for BN had he not decided to call elections then.

The next six months saw the momentum rushing in favour of PR, with opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and the economy consistently rocking BN's boat. The former deputy prime minister showed his ability to make people sit up and pay attention.

He sent tremors through the political sphere by proclaiming that he would take over the federal government by convincing at least 30 BN MPs to join PR on the symbolic date of Sept 16, Malaysia Day, a statement so bold that it saw his colleagues once again being caught unawares.

It set him up as prime minister-elect. Every time he spoke, lodged a report, got arrested, accused of sodomy or appeared in court, it scored points for his strengthening coalition and chipped away at the wobbly BN.

After losing five states including the economic engines of Selangor and Penang plus its two-thirds hold of Parliament for the first time in nearly four decades, knives were being sharpened for Abdullah.

Chief among those calling for his blood was the man who had appointed him as his successor, former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Slowly but surely, Dr Mahathir got his way. Abdullah agreed to a 2010 transition plan, handing the reins over to Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

But even this failed to galvanise BN, who meekly handed Anwar an increased majority in the Permatang Pauh by-election, allowing him easy entry back into Parliament as opposition leader at the end of August.

By Anwar's own admission, this was supposed to begin the countdown to Putrajaya for PR. He had now fulfilled his own constitutional obligation to be the new PM. All he needed were the numbers.

For all his claims that he indeed had the numbers, Sept 16 never materialised amid excuses of security concerns by the opposition.

Seeing an opening, Umno pressed on towards putting an end to Anwar's threat. By pushing the transition plan to March 2009, it effectively made Najib the No. 1 man there and then.

They were giving Malaysians a new PM and as predictable as ever, the country seems willing to give him a chance.

The rest of BN might still be a shambles today, but belief is there among the Umno ranks that the ship would be steadied and indeed returned to its former glory under the reign of the son of the acclaimed Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, Malaysia's second Prime Minister.

And so the tide has changed again. As 2008 turns to 2009, the buzz is now all about feuds within the opposition. Pas and DAP still argue over hudud, while PKR and DAP are facing infighting within their own parties due to a relatively small matter of the relocation of a bus station in Selangor.

Meanwhile, Najib gears up his troops for the Jan 17 Kuala Terengganu by-election. A win here, which BN claimed by just 600 votes on March 8, would be the perfect fillip for Najib as he seeks to banish any more talk of advancements by PR and rebuild BN through 2009 and beyond.

With Umno's own party polls looking more like a case of musical chairs now, the Pas and PKR elections may turn out to be the real political events of 2009.

It will decide how united the nascent PR is behind Anwar's ambitions and whether it can pull through a much-hyped genesis and become a serious alternative to the five-decade-long rule by Umno and its partners.

As such, there will be no let up in the politically-charged atmosphere Malaysians now live in. Change, it seems, is somewhat infectious.

Pakatan Rakyat Row Hots Up: Manika slams Hadi as a backstabber

Kapar MP S. Manikavasagam says Hadi did not respect him

SHAH ALAM: Kapar member of parliament S. Manikavasa- gam said Pas president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang was ungrateful and a backstabber for asking him to resign his post as an MP before he had made his final decision.

He said Hadi did not respect him as a Pakatan Rakyat member of parliament when the Pas president suggested that he step down as an MP if he wanted to resign from his post in Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) on Saturday.

"Earlier, it was the menteri besar (Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim) and now it is Hadi. This is not right. They should have discussed it with me.

"I guess they could not wait for me to resign and quit the party even when I have not made a final decision.

"Hadi forgot that the Indian community and I had helped a lot during the last general election.
"Previously, the Indian community did not support Pas but now they are willing to hold Pas flags," he said when contacted yesterday.

Manikavasagam said he would make an official announcement on whether he would quit his party post or otherwise in a press conference on Wednesday.

BETWEEN A HADHRAL-MAWTI AND MALAY SUPREMACY

At 4pm on the 29th of October, upon my return from an Open House hosted by Dato Azim of Bank Simpanan Nasional (BSN), I chanced upon meeting with Nadzru, an old friend. I have been told that we have similar facial structures, perhaps because we both share Yemeni Origins in lineage. We greeted and hugged the Arabian style. Alhamdulillah, I am very fortunate as to have met this chartered engineer who is a friend of the late Haroun Peranchis.

Aside from a successful corporate figure, Nadzru is also a very able linguist, translating with ease and precision from English or Bahasa to Arabic, not to mention his ability to speak well in French. He writes with The Editorial, The Nation and Bangkok post, among others. Although successful, Nadzru maintains a humble personality. This is our first meeting which includes an exchange of business cards, a serious attempt at establishing or rather reconnecting the Silaturrahim, whereas previously we’ve only came across each other whilst transitting at KlIA or Soekarno Hatta airport in Indonesia.

I have few friends who are traders of oil and gas, one other person is YB Senator Dato Syed Ali- Habshi, head of Umno Cheras division.

This man (Nadzru) has offices in Jakarta , Bangkok , the Middle east and North Africa , his trade being oil and gas. Nadzru is a director of a few public listed companies, of which Ranhill berhad is one of them. He invited me to his office at the 40th floor of the Empire tower in Jalan Tun Razak, located next to the Crown princess. If one intends on a big catch, one must go to the oceans, similarly if the intention is for a good story, a man of wisdom is a good bet.

In life there needs to be balance between effort and surrender, good fortune or divine guidance can serve as a very useful tool in our daily undertakings. While I’m looking for the therapy for the ‘sickness’ or pathology of my people, especially it’s leaders, regardless of race, I am fortunate to have met this man, making it easier for me to better understand the concept of Ketuanan Melayu, Supremacy of the Malays, or rather leadership of the Malays. This man is useful as a role model, of which the significance I will explain if you read on.

Whilst the urbanites are filled sicknesses of the heart, the citizenry as a whole are suffering from heartaches, angered at ‘supremacy of the Malays’, a concept thought of as an empty slogan used by politicians to justify nepotism and cronyism.

It is an exhilarating feeling to have an office in a high-rise sky scraper, where you can see how beautiful Kuala Lumpur has become as a city. Perhaps it is even more exhilarating to sit as a ‘Boss’ without expanding any effort. Mind you, it isn’t easy being a boss/employer to Europeans, Arabs and Africans, it definitely isn’t easy as compared to a person who expects to live luxuriously just because he hangs around the powerful. It is this kind of Leadership of the Malays that is hated by not only the none-Malays but among Malays themselves. These individuals are hated by Malays who have lived 50 years under independence, but treated differently because they don’t belong to a group of ‘elites’ holding on to the political power today.

No sane individual would be angered at a Malay being a C.E.O of a company selling expertise in technology for example, but what causes this anger and discomfort is the ignoramus, the imbecile who know nothing but yet demand the 30% of the share of equity. The 30% is a target that should be shared equally among all the bumiputra’s, but the ones who benefits most are the sons and daughters, the in-laws and the cronies. Only those with connections become indescribably rich, becoming Hudsucker proxies, using names of some bumiputra’s who only serve as instruments.

My thought was interrupted when a coffee boy (Not Anuar’s International Coffee boy Saiful) brought us two cups of tea. Nadzru than begins the discussion with his gratitude to the late Tun Razak who replaced the Premiership of Tunku Abdul Rahman after the bloody incident of may 13th 1969. Due to Tun Razak’s effort, many Malays benefited with an opportunity to pursue degrees not limited to literature alone, an effort that must be repaid with Gratitude.

The words that come from his mouth shows me that he is a Malay that is proud to be a Malay even when Malays today are ashamed of calling themselves Malays. Malays as a civilization is a great civilization when one reminisces on a Quote by the late Soekarno. “Dari Sabang hingga ke Marouke di mana ada daun niur melambai-lambai, kerbau berkubang, di situlah tanah air ku.” – Which asserts that geographically the Malay civilization is a rich civilization. Malays number more than 500 million world-wide, and the country that hosts the most Muslims in the world is Indonesia. Samuel Huntington for example recognizes the Malay civilization to be one of the 6 major civilizations. Whilst Kassim Ahmad in his memoirs from socialism to Islam retorts that if we are to progress as a civilization, than we must not forget our Malay roots. I should add why not? The Malay civilization contains a wealth of culture, be It in literature, a rich oral tradition, or the possibility of substantial thought progression. Forgetting this root and identity will push us to the realm of oblivion. The myth of Tanggang for example reminds us that a boy who forgets his parents in preference of more Suave ones was condemned to being a stone. This is but a metaphor to say that if we forget our culture in our craze to uncritically adopt new ones will be dealt by the hands of nature.

Those who study the Malay History will come across people like Tokku Paloh who defeated a British Armada in Terengganu. The supremacy of the Malays, I assert is in the hands of the Ulama, Scholars who are the inheritors of the Prophets.

Nadzru, recollecting his past retorts, if it weren’t for ITM introducing Engineering as an option for the Malay students, if he had not mastered the Islamic sciences in his madrasah, he might not be able to be in the position to do business with Arabs in Sudan and the middle east who require Arabic as the language of commerce.

Is the one who knows, the same as the one who know not? (Quran)

Ask those who know, if you know not. (Quran)

He started his foreign business packed with expertise in the field of engineering when Pak Lah took over the premiership in 2004. At a time when Tun Mahathir let go of his seat after 22 years, Pak Lah told that the nation’s resources were draining-out. Nadzru believed that God is the all-rich and enriching, started his Hijrah, migrating, so that he didn’t have to compete for projects in which it is difficult unless one knows the powerful. Nadzru the linguist is a son of an Islamic School teacher in Kelantan, not a son of a prime minister, a chief minister, or any minister. He gained his wealth abroad from his efforts, but still elects to make Kuala Lumpur as his home-base. How fortunate the Malays could be if only there were more corporate figures who are as patriotic as he is. Love of one nation is part of iman, different from asobiah, a systematic form of racism to promote discrimination on other races.

As he was narrating the importance of the knowledge of science and technology, and how to use precise Arabic terminologies for technological terms, a European man knocked on the door. Nadzru invited the engineer in, and apologized as he had something to settle. Than another one came in requesting his signature. This gesture made me say, cemerlang, gemilang dan terbilang.

Whereas figures like Nadzru can be said to be cemerlang gemilang dan terbilang (successful, prosperous and selected), some Umno members are Temberang, Terbuang, nak diterajang (liars, the worst among the people, and deserves to be kicked out of the leadership). But why? Unethical misappropriation of the people’s money, becoming directors in numerous companies entrusted by the people, ensuring that his own race remains slaves, bereft of human skills like business skills and services, not to mention covering up secrets and misconducts of ministers/politicians waiting to be fired.

Suddenly an email from Dato Haji Ikram Bin Ibrahim, Dato_ikram@rahmanbrothers.com.my came across my mind. I have produced his email in www.shalattas.com, and now I shall comment on some of his criticisms, as I believe my short period with Nadzru is useful, in good hopes that the closed mindedness of some of the Malays could be addressed. This phenomenon is a common one in Malaysia , where one prefers to narrate stories than to read.

“God does not change the fate of a nation unless the people correct themselves"-Al-Quran.

Why must those who do not get a cut from the 30% of the new economic policy continue to envy and attack the ‘leadership of the malays?”. Nadzru’s grand parents migrated to the Malaya then, he is a malay who’s heart and soul clings to the malay identity even if his genes are not even 50% malay.

How many percent of those who claim to be malay actually have a lineage of 30 generations of malays who have lived on this land? Perhaps not more than 10%. You yourself is more of an arab then a malay. Your malay blood is probably 10%. And so is the case with Tun Mahathir, Ahmad Ismail, Pak lah, Reezal merican, MD Nor Yakop, Mohd maidin and others. All have not exceeded 2 or generations of malays who have lived in Malaysia . (direct translation)

"Berapa peratus orang-orang yang mendakwa mereka Melayu ada pertalian dengan 30 generasi orang Melayu yang pernah wujud di bumi ini? Mungkin 10% sahaja. Anda sendiri lebih rupa Arab dari Melayu.Darah Melayu anda mungkin 10% sahaja. Begitu juga Tun Mahathir, Ahmad Ismail, Pak Lah, Reezal Merican, Md Nor Yakop, Mohd Maidin, dan lain-lain semuanya adalah 2 atau 3 generasi sahaja berada di Malaysia."

That was the words from Ikhram who does not understand the definition of a malay as per the constitution, perhaps that is why he is envious of malays who are proud of the “leadership of the malays”, now, I’m not one to say that I am not a Malaysian race, but my stress here is upon the Islamic bond of relationship, that allows us to be of the malays trough integration from marriage. The openness of the constitutional definition of being Malay allows for virtually any race to be a malay. In fact, being a malay now is not being racist, rather being a malay is upholding a certain way of life reflective of a long held cultural heritage.

Wherever we may go, we are citizens of Malaysia , but strength and identity, or the malayness, if I may, makes one wants to fight for what being a malay is. Of course again, this does not mean that we by anyway should condone intolerance of other races and religions in this country.

He further continues his argument incoherently

"So, do not talk about Malay issues. forget about being proud of being a Malay because you and people like you are not really Malays, but Malay celop, I should say - Celop Arab, celop Mat Salleh, celop Siam, celop India dll. Let us talk as Malaysians."

I should think that Ikhram suffers from a psychological sickness, what is he ranting on about? I mean behind this message of let us talk as Malaysians, isn’t it merely a mask of the Asobiah? Malaysia for Malaysians is mainly a masquarade. In truth, no races want to vanquish their identity in favor of being a Malaysian. Malaysia is not America, Malaysia thrives on multi-culturalism, multi racial and multy religions, but the underlying unity is respect, not being new tanggangs.

Should one reject the leadership of a group of malays who are reportedly not ‘pure breeds’? Has he not heard of genetic vigour? Or perhaps he has not heard of aristotle’s definition of being under a nation state, where it all depends on a shared way of life?

Or maybe I should remind him of the malay proverb, "bumi ini yang dipijak, langit ini yang mesti dijunjung".

Let us not work on extremes. I am not an advocate of sending back none-malays to their countries of origins, like how Idi amin did in Uganda . I believe myself that the idea of a Malaysian identity is still forming. But at the same time, this crazy drive of diminishing the leadership of the malays, as laid down in the constitution disturbs structure, and without structure, nothing can work. It maybe imperfect yes, but the process needs time.

As for the origins of those malays, you may be right on Melayu celups(dyed malays (where one’s true race is masked by adopting a malay lifestyle, follows islam as a religion, speaks the malay language). But my arab roots are not one that is ‘dyed’. Like the Chinese who have family surnames, arabs puts an importance on Zuriyat (lineage). A genealogy ensures that not any one can claim to be from a certain Kabilah. But being malay is different. The malay race does not have last names, so much so that one may not know the parent of his grand father. This makes it so much easier to blend in a malay community. Everyone is addressed as individuals. Malays are different from the turks, whom after Kamal Ataturk started adopting last names the concept of which they never had. Even in the naming system, one can identify that being a malay is a very egalitarian form of living.

But just because you come from a different system of naming, this does not give you the right to brand me a half-cast arab or half-cast malay or people like me as half-cast (celop).

Your accusation sir, that I am a half-cast Arab shows how shallow your knowledge of genealogy is. Your allegation is like that which Raja Petra leveled on Syed Ali Al-habshi when he irresponsibly said that Ali’s ancestors were from the Habashi tribes in North Africa, when in truth Ali is a hadharami like myself, with our ancestry going back to the prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.). My great grand father Almarhum Habib Omar Ibn Abdul Rahman Al-Attas Shahibbul Ratib Kutubulanfas. Traces of my ancestry go back to Imam Hussein who was the son of Ali and Fatimah, the daughter of the prophet Muhammad Sallahualaihiwasalam.

The Holy Prophet (s.a.w.) said: "Verily Allah choose Isma'il from the progeny of Ibrahim, and chose Banu Kinanah from the progeny of Isma'il, and chose Quraish from the Banu Kinanah, and chose Banu Hashim from Quraish, and chose me from Banu Hashim." At-Tirmidhi has narrated this tradition from Wathilah ibn al-Asqa' and has said that this tradition is sahih (correct).

Kunta Kinte, as written by Alex haley knows of his roots, similarly Barack obama is not ashamed to admit of his Kenyan ancestry. Today he is the first African-american to live in the White House.

As for being a half cast malay, again I must say you clearly don’t understand what being malay is according to the constitution. This challenging some’ones malayness is simply madness.

The arabs are the ones who brought islam to this land. By virtue of marriage, some of them managed to become sultans of this land. Would you call Sultan Syed sirajuddin Al-jamalullail a half-cast as well when he is the protector of our religion and cultural heritage?

Not only did you level a personal accusation against my heritage, you further try to humiliate other figures who have served the country over the course of generations. You accused Tun Mahathir Muhammad who have advanced the cause for the country and the malays, you listed other prominent figures who are clearly sinless against you.

Me being proud of my ancestry does not compromise my sense of duty towards my nation and my people. I am not a fascist who believes my superiority rests on me being this or that person’s progeny.

It does not matter who our ancestors are, so long as we are human beings, we are all descendants of Adam and Eve. The most noble amongst us in the sight of Allah is the righteous. There’s a hadith that narrates of how Allah does not look at our appearances but looks at our hearts

Nobility is in ones knowledge and ones character, not in one’s lineage-ali

It does not matter where we come from, as the slogan says Malaysia boleh, then let us all be committed to a cease-fire as have been done by the bloggers.

"A man is noble, not because he comes from a noble family but because he has done noble deeds."

Say: "O Allah. Lord of Power (And Rule), Thou givest power to whom Thou pleasest, and Thou strippest off power from whom Thou pleasest: Thou enduest with honour whom Thou pleasest, and Thou bringest low whom Thou pleasest: In Thy hand is all good. Verily, over all things Thou hast power-Quran" (Trans Abdullah Yusuf Ali)

Now, 12 years after independence, Tunku Abdul Rahman who led umno then didn’t subscribe to what you claim as TOTOK system. He was more of an apologist, in the end UMNO and the malays drifted until Tun Razak had to propose the New Economic Policy.

But don’t go on blaming the N.E.P if the malays are cheated. The ones deserving of blame are the irresponsible. To many has become robbers upon obtaining power. The myth of the ring of gyges has been proven true by these leaders.

Your claim that today, almost all the present malay generation are ‘highly educated, with more exposure to new social ties, an exponential growth of information, and a way of thinking which is more strategic and pragmatic’ is an extremely optimistic picture of the current general population. But lets take it on face value that this is true. Then can you deny that this success is not a product of the backwardness (ketotokan) of the UMNO leaders that was started by Tun Razak trough his N.E.P, and the spirit of “leadership for the malays” that is inculcated in to the hearts of the malays by the backward UMNO leaders?. Today his son Dato’ Seri Najib has won the seat for the presidency of UMNO uncontested, final-countdowns to replace Dato Seri Abdullah Badawi.

But irregardless, had it not been for the backward practices of UMNO, do you think the malays could even survive today? But because of the “tolerance” of the late tunku abdul rahman, in embracing the tak apa attitude, malays lagged to far. Are there no apologetic leaders the likes of Tunku today?

What is destroying Umno, what is killing this institution is the irresponsible Politicians, not the “backwardness” that you claim. These backward-minded leaders love their race more than themselves. These leaders wants the field to be leveled. Progress is shared, the pie wants to be shared. Humans are given reason for a reason, and I believe this reason is enough to prevent the rule of the jungle that seeks to weed the weak out of existence, different from the Islamic principal that invites the weak to improve themselves. What will eventually cause the collapse of Umno are the politicians who blame others as guilty of bribery when they cant win votes. Umno will be destroyed by the malay tycoons whom upon not being granted million ringgit projects by Umno start defaming and accusing umno of heinous crimes, whereas those who get their hands on millions of the people money hide and does not repay nor help the institution of the party.

As a result, it is definite, that the Malay population loses its trust in this institution to the arms of the opposition. But if only they would realize, they are like the malay proverb "upon being safe of the teeth of the tiger, they jump into the mouth of the alligator”.

Be reminded of the advice of the elders, if one is sick, than find a cure, if one is filled with sins, don’t continue on sinning, but start repenting. This is the only formulation that may save the fate of the malay race.

Remember, there’s only about 50% of malays in this blessed country, if we are not careful, how many students actually posess credibility, integrity and critical intelligence? Some may even graduate from foreign universities, but yet posess an extremely weak command of English, with knowledge limited to the scrolls they carry. Malay Students who prove this assertion wrong is in the minority, and the none-bumi companies will not employ them unless they posess the necessary skills.

Does the malay leader selling his Malaysia for Malaysians know how many malay students actually have leadership quality and socio-cultural capital? What is going to happen to the brunt of malays who still live in their comfort zones who still depend on the B.N government for their futures? The malays are like the eon proton industry, living under protectionism. It maybe harmful for the economy in the short run, even the long run perhaps. But this does not make room that efficiency shouldn’t be our only goal for the country. But if the country is pushed, proton could eventually be scrapped of the country. But eon is a motor industry, the malays are a group of people, must we deal with them the same as how we are going to treat our motor industry? Scrap the malay race out because it is no longer efficient to have malays in Malaysia ? Or outsource them perhaps?

Umno today is a sick giant, perhaps like Gulliver in Swift’s gulliver’s travel, to give you a clear picture. The lilliputs, or the individuals are bringing it down by constantly attacking this giant. This giant may not be able to survive such colossal attacks, and one may find Gulliver one day to be no more.


Yesterday is History,
Tomorrow is mystery,
Today is a gift,
That’s why it’s called the present.

Unknown


Rendered and interpreted into the English language by S.H Al-Attas Jr. Visit www.shalattas.com

Sacked MIC division chief denies being a turncoat

PENANG, FRI:

Sacked MIC Bayan Baru division chairman M. Nyanasegaran has denied the party president’s allegation that he was a turncoat who worked for the opposition in the March 8 general election.

Describing Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu’s allegation as “wild and baseless”, he said the accusation was made to tarnish his image.

In a statement issued here today, Nyanasegaran said the allegation that he worked for the opposition was a figment of Samy Vellu’s imagination to justify his sacking.

“I believe the real reason for the expulsion was my participation at an anti-ISA forum held at the residence of Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng on September 14,” he added.

He said Samy Vellu expelled him without issuing a show-cause letter, referring him to the party’s disciplinary committee.
“He has acted as judge, jury and executioner. In his court, a person is hanged without trial, just like the detention under the ISA. This is how he has been clinging on to power all these years.

“I still wish to serve the community despite the sacking. I am left with no choice except to join another party,” said Nyanasegaran when commenting on press reports today on his expulsion as MIC member by Samy Vellu.

It is learnt that about 3,000 MIC members from the Bayan Baru division will join Parti Keadilan Rakyat tomorrow.

HISHAMMUDDIN: Leadership transition between PM, DPM should serve as a guide for UMNO members

KUALA LUMPUR, FRI:

The smooth leadership transition between Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak should serve as a guide for all Umno members, said Umno Youth chief Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein.

He said if Umno members adhered to the same practice in succession planning, it would help further strengthen the party.

“The decision by the Prime Minister to hand over the leadership clearly shows he is not a person intent on holding on to power,” he said in a statement here today.

On Wednesday, Abdullah announced he would not be defending the Umno president post at the party’s polls in March and named Najib as his sucessor.

Hishammuddin also said he held in high esteem the maturity and unwavering support of Najib to Abdullah and placing party interest before self in facing the current political leadership scenario.
“His readiness in respecting the wishes of the grassroots is an important criteria in being the leader of the nation and party,” he said.

According to Hishammuddin, he was confident the Deputy Prime Minister would be able the shoulder the responisbility of leading the nation based on his vast leadership experience at the state, federal and international levels.

“Personally, I will continue to give my full suport to Datuk Seri Abdullah and place full faith in Datuk Seri Najib to plan the best economic, political and social agendas for the country,” he added.

Raja Petra Sedition Trial: Irked counsel calls police witness 'a useless officer'

PETALING JAYA: A police officer was put in a spot in the Raja Petra Kamarudin sedition trial yesterday for being evasive on questions linked to the murder of Altantuya Shaaribuu.

Superintendent Gan Tack Guan was accused of being incompetent by Raja Petra's lead counsel Gobind Singh Deo after the police officer claimed ignorance to many of the questions posed to him.

Gobind was clearly irked by Gan's non-committal answers as the police officer was the chief investigating officer in Altantuya's murder investigations.

Gan was then the deputy chief of the Kuala Lumpur police's serious crimes division. He is now heading the Interpol division at the Federal police headquarters in Bukit Aman.

Gobind had to be restrained by Sessions Court judge Rozina Ayob after counsel accused Gan of being a "useless officer".

Gan was the fifth prosecution witness in the sedition trial. He told the court that he lodged a police report against Raja Petra on April 30.

Under examination-in-chief by deputy public prosecutor Ishak Mohd Yusof, Gan said he came across the article,"Let's send the Altantuya murderers to hell" while surfing Raja Petra's website, Malaysia Today (www.malaysia-today.net).

"I lodged the report as there were several portions in the article which were untrue and fabricated," he said, adding that there were four aspects in the article that were deemed seditious.

He later identified the report although the original was not tendered.

Gan said Deputy Superintendent Mahfuz Abdul Majid, the officer investigating the sedition report, recorded a statement from him.

Raja Petra, 58, is charged with posting the seditious article on his website, which implicated Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor in the murder of Altantuya.

The offence was allegedly committed at his house in Bukit Rahman Putra, Sungai Buloh, on April 25.

The Malaysia Today editor is being detained under the Internal Security Act for posting articles in his website, which allegedly insulted Muslims and Islam. Raja Petra, however, was present in court.

Cross-examined by Gobind, Gan said to his knowledge, Altantuya's body was blasted with explosives, but not C4.

"If I am not mistaken, it was plastique explosives," he said.

Gobind: How were the explosives placed on the body?

Gan: I don't know.

Gobind: Come on Mr Gan. Come out of your slumber. What is happening to the police force in this country? I put it to you that you are a useless officer.

Rozina came to Gan's rescue and ordered counsel not to raise matters which were not connected to the sedition trial.

Gobind explained that people had expressed their disgust at the way the Altantuya murder trial proceeded. He, however, apologised to Rozina for badgering Gan.

Cross-examined further, Gan told the court that he did not know whether Altantuya was alive when the explosives were placed on her.

Ishak then submitted that the Altantuya murder trial was still on and that the trial judge at the Shah Alam High Court would deliver his decision on Oct 31 at the end of prosecution's case.

Chief Inspector Azilah Hadri and Corporal Sirul Azhar Umar were charged with the murder of Altantuya, and political analyst Abdul Razak Baginda for abetment.

"The issue before this court is whether the article annexed in the police report had seditious tendencies," Ishak said, adding that the prosecution feared that matters in the murder trial would be considered subjudice if allowed to be raised in the court.

Gobind then said it was Gan who had lodged the police report against Raja Petra before the Altantuya murder trial had concluded.

"And now, prosecution is not allowing us to raise the matter," Gobind said.

He said Section 3 of the Sedition Act stated a publication was not deemed to be seditious provided it pointed out errors in the interest of justice.

"We contend that the article by Raja Petra showed a certain error in the administration of justice in the on-going murder trial," he said.

He said the defence should be given the latitude to cross-examine Gan since he told the court earlier that certain matters in that article were concocted.

DPP Roslan Mat Noor, who is assisting Ishak, also submitted that the defence could only ask Gan why the witness felt that certain parts of Raja Petra's article were a fabrication.

Rozina asked the prosecution to mark the parts for Gan's reference.

Gobind then alerted the court that the enclosure that was annexed in the police report was not similar to the actual posting. He said the enclosure was a product of retyping, cut and paste.

Ishak then sought adjournment for a few days to sort the matter and to review the charge.

Hearing continues on Monday.

Giving a Statement This Friday @ Dang Wangi Police Station

Received a call from ASP Sydney of Dang Wangi Police Station. Apparently, he was looking for me & a few other Anti ISA Activists / Bloggers, whom went to Pak Lah's Hari Raya Open House to meet him.

As of now, those whom will be going to see him are A.S. Sidhu, Ashok Kandiah, Haris Ibrahim & I.

He requested our presence this coming Friday 10/10/08, 2.30pm @ the Dang Wangi Police station.

According to Ashok, it is not necessary for anyone to come to the police station in support, as ASP Sydney will just be taking a quick statement, before letting us go.

I had a quick conversation with ASP Sydney during our visit to Badawi's open house. He seemed like a nice guy - friendly, warm, matured & humorous.

Of course, I remember hearing about him in the past. Here is one incident, where I remember hearing his name.

Read more here: ">http://surind.blogspot.com/2008/10/giving-statement-this-friday-dang-wangi.html

A final bit of business for the PM

by St Low

ANALYSIS

OCT 8 - Several months ago, when it became obvious that Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's drive to push through the Judicial Appointments Commission was flagging, a government official cautioned him that his window of salvaging his legacy was closing.

The Prime Minister assured the officer than once the party elections were over, he would be less distracted by the party's dogma, and would press ahead and carry out all the reforms which he promised Malaysians.

The officer remarked that if the PM did not keep his word, he would be remembered for all the wrong reasons. Those words sounded prophetic today when Abdullah addressed the press and confirmed that he would not defend his position as the party president.

"I know I have not been doing well. It is time for someone else to take over, '' he said, adding that between now and March, he would devote himself to ensuring that legislation covering the Anti-Corruption Commission; the Judicial Appointments Commission and the Special Complaints Commission on the police force is tabled before Parliament.

He did not see it ending this way. When the government official spoke to him several months ago, the plan was for him to win the president's position unopposed, then stay on until 2010 and complete the reforms.

He figured that once he was elected as president, he could disregard opposition from Umno ministers and party warlords to judicial reforms.

In short, he would not be burdened by the party, and could do what was right for the country.

Ironically, he finds himself in that position today. Instead of a two-year countdown, he only has five months left in the job. But he does not have to worry about what his party thinks anymore.

Government officials told the Malaysian Insider today that legislation on the Anti-Corruption Commission should be tabled in the next sitting of Parliament, once the Budget debate is completed.

The Special Complaints Commission Bill is in the final stages of preparation and should be tabled by the year end. His biggest challenge will come in pushing through the Judicial Appointments Commission.

Umno ministers and MPs objected to the first draft of the commission on two grounds: 1) they believed that the commission would usurp the executive powers of the PM in appointments to the Bench. 2) they disagreed with the proposed composition of the commission, wanting to exclude representatives from the Bar Council.

Officials in the PM's Office are confident that the language of the legislation can make it clear that the commission's role is advisory.

"The composition of the commission is not an insurmountable problem. With some give and take, this should not be a problem, '' said an official, who has worked on the legislation.

Still, the nagging question being asked in Kuala Lumpur today is this: If Abdullah could not push through the reforms when he had all the powers, how is he going to do so now that the countdown to retirement has started?

One of his aides said: "The PM knows that this is not going to be easy but he is determined to see through these reforms which he started. If his party or the Opposition obstructs him and blocks the legislation, they will have to answer to the Malaysian public, not the PM.''

- The Malaysian Insider

Thorough leadership change awaits for a defensive UMNO

By Ooi Kee Beng

The best form of defence is a good offence. Judging from the bad shape the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) is in despite having had seven months to control the damage done to it and its allies by voters on March 8 this year, perhaps opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim has been smarter than assumed.

The writer is a Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

His failure to topple the government on 16 September is seen by many as a brash move by an otherwise masterful political strategist. Indeed, his apparent urgency to become prime minister has been criticized by friends and foes alike as being indicative of his major failing – impatience.

Many would have preferred to see him concentrate on consolidating the position of the component parties of his coalition, the Pakatan Rakyat, and of being an effective opposition leader in parliament. Some of his critics have seen his battering of the Abdullah administration over the last few months as a move unbecoming of a man aiming to occupy the country's most powerful office.

But as a PR insider recently mentioned to me, "16 September is not a date, but a concept". To understand this point, in place of "concept", one should perhaps read "strategy".

It is natural to assume that consolidation after a victory requires fortifying boundaries and digging trenches, etc., in order for one to be in a position to beat back any attack from the enemy. However, in certain situations, and especially when the retreating enemy has suffered a particularly bad thrashing, one can actually have one's cake and eat it too.

One can continue harassing the enemy while consolidating one's position. The harassing itself makes the consolidating all the more effective.

Is this what Anwar has been doing?

It certainly looks that way if we consider how badly UMNO and the Barisan Nasional have been in regrouping their troops into a useable formation. The BN has not arrived at any new plan of action to reinvent itself. UMNO failed to get rid of a party leadership that was not only responsible for the coalition's electoral shame, but that has also lost credibility to such an extent that all announcements made by it today are disbelieved, ridiculed, and then ignored.

Abdullah's assurance to Malaysians in the wake of Zaid Ibrahim's resignation as de facto law minister over the use of the Internal Security Act (ISA) that he would keep his four-year-old promise to reform the judiciary now rings more hollow than ever.

While its allies look to it for inspiration, UMNO is unsure of its own direction. With party elections now postponed till March next year, three more months is added to the period of uncertainty that has left the BN mired in its own lack of imagination. The BN is restless.

Whatever is happening to UMNO and its allies, it is not rejuvenation. And if it is, it will not have an impact any time soon.

The sniping between the BN and the PR has had certain results that bode well for the country as a whole, though. For example, the administration's ill-advised use of the ISA last month against star blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin, opposition politician Teresa Kok and journalist Tan Hoon Cheng has backfired and given enormous impetus to the anti-ISA movement.

Second, Malaysians were treated to an unforgettable confirmation of how rural Malays can indeed vote for a multiracial party, and one led by a man facing a charge of sodomy at that, when Anwar Ibrahim won the Permatang Pauh by-election in August. His victory margin was bigger than anyone had imagined. This bodes ill for UMNO, a party dependent on rural votes.

What is also upsetting the ruling coalition is the fact that the opposition parties seem to be settling in very well in the northern states that they now control. Furthermore, the unholy alliance of the "social-democratic" Democratic Action Party, the Islamist Parti Islam SeMalaysia and the multiracial Parti KeAdilan Rakyat, has been able to work together even after the elections.

Apart from the smart move by UMNO to try to split the PR by holding talks with PAS on the issue of "protecting Malay interest", no PR split large enough to raise BN spirits has appeared. The recent destruction of an Indian temple in Selangor did prompt an Indian PKR leader to threaten to resign, and a Malay PKR leader did play a major role in the disruption of a lawful conference on Muslim conversions organized by the Malaysian Bar Council; but these have not developed into life-or-death issues for the coalition.

Meanwhile, Anwar got the whole nation fixated on 16 September being D-Day for the government. It is true that he did not topple the government, but he did force UMNO to dislodge Abdullah as prime minister much earlier than it had at first planned.

Now with no two-year transition plan to stabilize it, as had been originally hoped, UMNO must go through a much more thorough change of leadership than it would wish for at this time. The internal skirmishes of the coming elections threaten to scar the party deeply.

Perceived this way, Anwar's "16 September offensive" is not a failure. It has thrown UMNO's ranks into great disarray, and put that stronger party – and not Anwar's own – on the defensive.

- The Malaysian Insider

Thorough leadership change awaits for a defensive UMNO

By Ooi Kee Beng

The best form of defence is a good offence. Judging from the bad shape the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) is in despite having had seven months to control the damage done to it and its allies by voters on March 8 this year, perhaps opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim has been smarter than assumed.

The writer is a Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

His failure to topple the government on 16 September is seen by many as a brash move by an otherwise masterful political strategist. Indeed, his apparent urgency to become prime minister has been criticized by friends and foes alike as being indicative of his major failing – impatience.

Many would have preferred to see him concentrate on consolidating the position of the component parties of his coalition, the Pakatan Rakyat, and of being an effective opposition leader in parliament. Some of his critics have seen his battering of the Abdullah administration over the last few months as a move unbecoming of a man aiming to occupy the country's most powerful office.

But as a PR insider recently mentioned to me, "16 September is not a date, but a concept". To understand this point, in place of "concept", one should perhaps read "strategy".

It is natural to assume that consolidation after a victory requires fortifying boundaries and digging trenches, etc., in order for one to be in a position to beat back any attack from the enemy. However, in certain situations, and especially when the retreating enemy has suffered a particularly bad thrashing, one can actually have one's cake and eat it too.

One can continue harassing the enemy while consolidating one's position. The harassing itself makes the consolidating all the more effective.

Is this what Anwar has been doing?

It certainly looks that way if we consider how badly UMNO and the Barisan Nasional have been in regrouping their troops into a useable formation. The BN has not arrived at any new plan of action to reinvent itself. UMNO failed to get rid of a party leadership that was not only responsible for the coalition's electoral shame, but that has also lost credibility to such an extent that all announcements made by it today are disbelieved, ridiculed, and then ignored.

Abdullah's assurance to Malaysians in the wake of Zaid Ibrahim's resignation as de facto law minister over the use of the Internal Security Act (ISA) that he would keep his four-year-old promise to reform the judiciary now rings more hollow than ever.

While its allies look to it for inspiration, UMNO is unsure of its own direction. With party elections now postponed till March next year, three more months is added to the period of uncertainty that has left the BN mired in its own lack of imagination. The BN is restless.

Whatever is happening to UMNO and its allies, it is not rejuvenation. And if it is, it will not have an impact any time soon.

The sniping between the BN and the PR has had certain results that bode well for the country as a whole, though. For example, the administration's ill-advised use of the ISA last month against star blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin, opposition politician Teresa Kok and journalist Tan Hoon Cheng has backfired and given enormous impetus to the anti-ISA movement.

Second, Malaysians were treated to an unforgettable confirmation of how rural Malays can indeed vote for a multiracial party, and one led by a man facing a charge of sodomy at that, when Anwar Ibrahim won the Permatang Pauh by-election in August. His victory margin was bigger than anyone had imagined. This bodes ill for UMNO, a party dependent on rural votes.

What is also upsetting the ruling coalition is the fact that the opposition parties seem to be settling in very well in the northern states that they now control. Furthermore, the unholy alliance of the "social-democratic" Democratic Action Party, the Islamist Parti Islam SeMalaysia and the multiracial Parti KeAdilan Rakyat, has been able to work together even after the elections.

Apart from the smart move by UMNO to try to split the PR by holding talks with PAS on the issue of "protecting Malay interest", no PR split large enough to raise BN spirits has appeared. The recent destruction of an Indian temple in Selangor did prompt an Indian PKR leader to threaten to resign, and a Malay PKR leader did play a major role in the disruption of a lawful conference on Muslim conversions organized by the Malaysian Bar Council; but these have not developed into life-or-death issues for the coalition.

Meanwhile, Anwar got the whole nation fixated on 16 September being D-Day for the government. It is true that he did not topple the government, but he did force UMNO to dislodge Abdullah as prime minister much earlier than it had at first planned.

Now with no two-year transition plan to stabilize it, as had been originally hoped, UMNO must go through a much more thorough change of leadership than it would wish for at this time. The internal skirmishes of the coming elections threaten to scar the party deeply.

Perceived this way, Anwar's "16 September offensive" is not a failure. It has thrown UMNO's ranks into great disarray, and put that stronger party – and not Anwar's own – on the defensive.

- The Malaysian Insider

DREAMS OF A PASSIONATE ACTOR

UMNO supreme council member Dr Rais Yatim made the wisest statement yet on the Pakatan Rakyat's delusion to form its backdoor government.

Speaking to reporters on Sunday from his constituency in Jelebu Negri Sembilan, Rais"advised" Pakatan Rakyat supremo, Anwar, to stop acting and attempting to garner sympathy from the United States.

But, acting is Anwar's number two passion, right after politics. It is a known fact that he loved Hindustani and Tamil movies, and used "Sivaji The Boss" movie poster to lure Indians to support him in the Permatang Pauh by-election.

"Watch him on the podium when he delivers his speech. Only 10 percent of what he says is facts, the rest are superb acting that can be used as movie dialogues," said a former Anwaritas.

"No wonder, even after he failed to deliver his promise to form the government by Sept 16, there are still those who believe in his pipe dream," he added.

But Anwar the actor, still draws the crowd and to ensure that he is not obsolete after Sept 16, he came up with a new move - asking the Prime Minister to hold a special parliament sitting.

It was to discuss the loss of confidence on Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's leadership.

"This is just one of his many tactics. He wants to ensure that the issue is still alive as he needs such a condition to survive. He started the ball rolling after Barisan's poor performance in the last election by dreaming up the Sept 16 plan.

"After its failure, he came up with another plan - the vote-of-no-confidence against Abdullah. He is creating issues to make sure he is in the news and still relevant," said a former UMNO Youth leader.

In his blog, dated Sept 18 Anwar accused Abdullah of being irresponsible and careless in making statements during a press conference when commenting on Pakatan Rakyat's demand to have a meeting with him.

But Anwar tends to forget that he is more irresponsible. He has been putting the nation in political and economical turmoil by making claims that the present government would fall after Sept 16.

He should seriously listen to Rais, stop acting and be a more responsible opposition leader. -- Sept 23, 2008

The End Of A Dream

It was plain arrogance, said a friend when describing Anwar Ibrahim’s ultimatum for the Prime Minister to meet with him, discussing a “peaceful” transition of power from Barisan Nasional to the opposition coalition.

Speaking to a 10,000-strong crowd at the Pakatan Rakyat-sponsored Hari Malaysia gathering at the MBPJ Stadium in Kelana Jaya, he admitted that the Sept 16 plan could not be achieved but was confident that “the government will fall in the next few weeks.”

He also said that Pakatan has the numbers to defeat Barisan Nasional.

“But if they have the numbers why should they wait?” said the businessman friend.

“After the agony of waiting for the last six months, why should they? Form the government and be the Prime Minister. Doesn’t he know that he is creating a climate of uncertainty which is bad for the economy?”

Although there was is no indication on the number of crossovers, he added Anwar strived on challenges.

“The more he is challenged the harder he tries. But in this case I don’t think he will make it,” he said.

What his supporters fail to realize is that he had admitted that he had failed to form his back door government on the Sept 16.

And this did not stop the opposition-coalition party members to carry on with their dreams. They were mesmerized by his fiery speech.

“Anwar is charismatic. With his oratory skills, he can be quite convincing. For those who hang on to his every word, black is white and two plus two is five. This is a fine example, everybody knows it’s impossible but he has kept on and on at it, and people are still believing.

“It’s a tactic used by Gobbel (Nazi Information Minister) - if you keep on repeating a lie people will believe it,” said an UMNO division leader from a northern state.

One thing is certain, Anwar and his opposition coalition had worked extremely hard to meet the Sept 16 deadline. PKR even sent five of its leaders to Taiwan to pursue Barisan Nasional MPs.

But the mission failed.

As of now even SAPP, who has two federal law makers, has not left Barisan, although the Sabah-based party has been overly critical over Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s leadership.

And Gerakan, whose members had been pressuring its leaders to leave Barisan, has been loyal to the coalition.

Looks like Anwar would have to wait until the next general election, and one can bet that until than he will bring up issues which will have a tsunami effect on Barisan Nasional as well as the government.

The opposition-coalition has rich resources. The opposition is not like before where the source of income is only from members donation.

Anwar might not be the Prime Minister today, but the opposition leader will continue to pursue his ambition, that he felt had been snatched away from him 10 years ago, vigorously.

Nothing can stop him from pursuing his dream, but whether he can achieve it lies in the hand of God. As a Muslim he must admit that how hard he tried, his fate is not decided by human but by God. – Sept 16, 2008

ANWAR'S VICTORY A BANE TO ABDULLAH

The de facto Parti Keadilan Rakyat leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's return to parliament, courtesy of his thumping victory in the Permatang Pauh by-election,spells more bad news for the government, in particular the Prime Minister. All eyes will be on what's to come next.

DATUK SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM'S RESOUNDING victory in the Aug 26 Permatang Pauh Parliamentary by-election marked another milestone in his checkered career and in the short-but-troubled history of Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi?s administration.

The de facto Parti Keadilan Rakyat leader and the grand master of Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance) easily beat his Barisan Nasional (BN) opponent Datuk Arif Shah Omar Shah and the Parti Angkatan Keadilan Insan Malaysia (Akim) non-starter, Hanafi Mamat.

He polled 31,195 votes against Arif Shah?s 15,524 and Hanafi's 92 to give him a majority of 15,671. It was a significant improvement over his wife, Datin Seri Wan Azizah Wan Ismail?s 13,338 majority in the March 8 general election.

Anwar's victory was widely expected. But many observers had not expected him to better his wife's performance.

His stunning victory after more than a decade of hiatus will almost certainly spell further problems for the beleaguered Abdullah, who may now face greater challenges at Umno's December election.

There are bound to be fresh calls for him to step down as Umno President and Prime Minister.

There may even be enough divisional nominations for the sole contender, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

Irrespective of what will happen next to Anwar in light of his upcoming sodomy trial, the by-election results unequivocally have proved that he is still popular with the people.

Money can’t buy everything, you know THIS has to be one of the costliest and most hotly

contested by-elections in the nation's history. While money was king in Permatang Pauh, the victims were truth and decency.

The Prime Minister’s promise of a clean government and a fair election notwithstanding, money official and private played a major role.

Even Parti Keadilan Rakyat and its Pakatan Rakyat allies thought of nothing about employing money politics and deploying their official power despite condemning their National Front nemesis of the evil.

As far as private money was concerned, both Anwar and his BN opponents had enough personal and partyrelated funds to splurge on the electors. But alas, the BN's generosity came to no avail!

For Anwar, despite being out of power for a decade, he still has some wealthy friends and associates. These are people and corporations he had helped with contracts and other favours when he was in power.

Then, there are those who are buying insurance policies and seeking safe passages just in case Anwar isn’t bluffing about toppling the Abdullah government on or by the magical date of Sept 16.

His victory may further encourage the anti-Abdullah BN MPs to cross over to his side.

Abdullah may not be a brilliant tactician, but he was aware that the by-election had a nationwide implication. Thus, it was for this reason that he went back on his own words and hastened the fuel price adjustments.

He knew that he needed to pacify not only the Permatang Pauh voters but also the whole country in order to stifle Anwar’s return.

So, on Aug 22, he personally announced a 15-sen lowering of the petrol price per litre despite an earlier decision that there would be no price reviews until September.

The price of RON97 petrol went to RM2.55 per litre, the lower-grade RON92 petrol went down by 22 sen to RM2.40 and diesel by eight sen to RM2.50.

Abdullah, who is also Finance Minister, made the announcement two days after reiterating that any cuts in the prices of petrol would not happen before Aug 31.

While motorists will not complain about the 5.6% downward adjustment, which may or may not reflect global oil prices, the action suggests that the government was desperate to stop

Anwar’s return to Parliament.

It is further proof of the flip flop stand of the Abdullah government on major economic

issues and its willingness to resort to convenience instead of hard economic decisions for the sake of politics.

And why should Abdullah be lamenting about the current high inflation rate when he should have known that raising fuel prices by a whopping 41% in June would have such an effect on consumer prices.

Dragging Islam through the mud BUT the real victims in the Permatang Pauh byelection

shenanigans were truth and decency. Above all, it showed to what ridiculous extent politicians and their hangers-on are willing to go to save their posteriors.

Among the victims is Islam. Never before in the history of an election has the esteem of Islam been dragged down so low and in a manner so thoroughly detestable.

That Islam is an important factor in the Malaydominated Permatang Pauh constituency is well

established. Before Anwar wrested it in 1982 for the BN, Permatang Pauh was a Pas stronghold.

Pas is still a force to be reckoned with. One of the three state seats in the constituency is held by Pas.

The second is held by PKR and the third by Umno.

But since 1982, Permatang Pauh has neither been a Pas nor Umno nor PKR stronghold. It is, for all intents and purposes, Anwar Ibrahim territory.

In recent weeks, Islam has been taken to a new political dimension one that could have lowered the esteem and sacredness of the religion among Muslims and non-Muslims alike.

It took the form of public confessions done in the name of Allah and in using the Islamic rule of evidence in what was essentially a criminal case under civil law.

Since these actions involved two very prominent figures in Malaysian politics, namely, Anwar and Deputy Prime Minster Datuk Seri Mohd Najib Abdul Razak, they cannot be taken lightly.

It started with Anwar demanding that he be tried under the Islamic rule of evidence that requires his accuser and former special assistant, Saiful Bukhari Azlan, to produce four Muslim witnesses of good moral standing to testify that there was an act of sodomy which they had witnessed with their very own eyes.

Saiful, who had met both Mohd Najib and his wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor days before making a police report against Anwar, responded by taking a sumpah laknat before several officials of the Federal Territory Mosque in Kuala Lumpur on Aug 16, a day before the Permatang Pauh nomination day.

In his confession, which he made in the name of Allah, he said Anwar buggered him. Some Muslims considered this type of confession as being the most serious, as the confessor calls upon Allah to punish him had he told a lie. Laknat in Arabic (also in Malay) means to condemn.

His confession was put in jeopardy when one of the mosque officials, Imam Ramlang Parogi, claimed that he was ordered by people in high places to be a witness.

He went on to appear at the People?s Justice Party (Keadilan)’s ceramahs in Permatang Pauh to explain his position. Ramlang’s ‘confession’ strengthened the conspiracy allegation that Anwar had levelled against his accusers.

While Saiful’s confession was made in full glare of the media on Aug 15, the confession letter, as published by Sin Chew Daily on Aug 16, showed that it was dated Aug 14.

Closely tracking Saiful to the mosque to confess was Mohd Najib. He went to a mosque in Permatang Pauh to confess in Allah’s name that he had neither met nor knew the murdered Mongolian woman Altantuya Shaariibuu.

Mohd Najib’s political adviser, Abdul Razak Baginda, and two policemen are on trial for her

murder.

The civil courts are not bound and are not likely to treat these confessions as relevant and admissible to any trial.

Among the Muslims, there are those who abhor such actions while the majority are generally unsure of the religious and legal implications of such a confession.

What now for Abdullah?

THE outcome of the by-election does little to lessen the pressure on the Prime Minister. Soon, the people will forget about the brouhaha and refocus their attention on day-to-day living.

With the July inflation registering a whopping 8.5% increase compared to the same month a year ago to record a new 27-year high, Abdullah?s approval rating is at an all-time low.

Abdullah has been quoted as saying that the government hoped the reduction in petrol and diesel prices would help alleviate the burden on consumers and reduce the pressures of inflation.

The Prime Minister has to be naive to think that manufacturers and traders would reduce prices to reflect the lower fuel prices when the government itself is slow to respond to falling crude oil prices in the world market.

Abdullah will continue to face pressure in his own party as the December leadership election nears. His 2010 handover pledge continues to be questioned and the groundswell favours his early departure.

Anwar’s victory will further embolden Pakatan Rakyat and make the threat of a large-scale crossover by BN MPs more plausible.

With a seat in Parliament, Anwar stands a better chance of fighting his personal battle in court.Even if he's convicted and loses his seat, the momentum he has helped to create can be expected to continue to propel the People?s Alliance in the months and years to come.

That could spell disaster for the BN and, in particular, Umno, if the leadership of the latter

remains unchanged.

As a seasoned politician, Abdullah is aware that his position in the government and Umno is no longer tenable, but is staying on at the behest of his political and corporate allies who need more time to tie up loose ends and make exit plans.

The outcome of the Permatang Pauh polls clearly shows that many voters sided with Anwar not because they like or trust him but because they dislike and distrust the government more.

Anger was a major motivation for them to go against the BN.

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